Fighting halted in northern Shan State

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Fighting has been halted in the control area of Shan State Army (North) / Shan State Progressive Party (SSA/SSPP) for more than one month, Major Sai Hla, a Shan army spokesman, said.
 

Troops of the Shan State Army-North Photo: SSA

  Government troops and SSA-N troops have fought for six months. He said fighting has been halted in areas around Mong Hsu, Mong Yai, Kyethi, Tang Yang, Hsipaw, Kyaukme, Lashio, Namsan and Namkham townships.

The last battle occurred on September 22 when about 50 soldiers from the government’s Light Infantry Unit No. 506 and SSA-N troops fought for about 15 minutes between Kyethi and Hsipaw townships. 

Earlier, SSA-N troops had to abandon 10 military bases including the Nanlaung base in Tang Yang Township and the Naungcho base in Mong Yai Township, keeping only the Wanhai headquarters as their stronghold.

“Now, they are pressing in Kachin State and that may be the reason why they are not active in this area presently. But there are still some government battalions near our headquarters,” Major Sai Hla said.

He said that government troops might launch military offensives again in northern Shan State if they can control the Kachin Independence Army Brigade No. 4 area, where the natural gas pipeline linking from Kyaukphyu in Arakan State to Yunnan Province in China will pass through.

On other issues, General Sai Htin, 75, a patron of SSA-N, who was sentenced to 106 years in prison for rebellion against the state, was released on October 12 under the recent amnesty ordered by the new government.

He told the media that he was not ready to answer questions. He now lives in Lashio in Shan State with his family. He suffers from coronary heart disease, hypertension and diabetes, his daughter Nan Kham Phaung told Mizzima.

Src   : Mizzima

Zarganar goes to prisons: gives food and money to political prisoners

New Delhi (Mizzima) – Prominent Burmese comedian Zarganar on Monday, accompanied by comedians Godzilla, Sein Thee and Zee Thee, visited three prisons, donating food, medicine, money and magazines to prison authorities for political prisoners.

The Burmese comedian Zarganar, who took
gifts to political prisoners this week, after he
was released from prison in a presidential
amnesty. Photo: Mizzima

The comedian and social rights activist, who was released recently under a presidential amnesty, said the authorities received his donations and cooperated with him.

Zarganar’s donations came through the support of other performers and artists and were earmarked for 34 political prisoners in Thayawaddy Prison, one in Paungde Prison and four in Pyay Prison

“One thing that made me very glad was that the prison authorities heartily welcomed us and received all the donations of food and money [to forward to political prisoners]. Then, they showed me the signatures [of the political prisoners] to prove that they actually received our donations. On behalf of all of us, I would like to give thanks [to the prison authorities],” Zarganar said.

Since Zarganar was released from prison on October 12, it was his first visit to prisons.

Earlier, other artists and groups have sent food and money to political prisoners in Taungoo, Monywa, Loikaw, and Kyaukphyu prison.

Artists who donated gifts included actors Zin Wine, Min Maw Kun; singer Kyapouk (aka) Han Htoo Lwin; actress Tun Eindra Bo; comedians Metta, Kingkong, Ayine, Godzilla, Sein Thee and Pan Thee; and film director Min Htin Ko Ko Gyi.

Earlier, along with 88-generation student Myo Yan Naung Thein, Zarganar traveled to rural areas and met with members of local social networks, farmers, workers, students and National League for Democracy (NLD) members.

His prison tour ends in Pyay. On Monday might, Zarganar and other activists lighted oil lamps and set them adrift on the Irrawaddy River in hope that all political prisoners to be released.

On October 11, the Burmese government announced a presidential amnesty, saying 6,359 prisoners would be released. An earlier amnesty of prisoners was granted in May, and also included some political prisoners.

Estimates say up to 200 political prisoners were released in the second amnesty this year.

Those released include the aged, the sick and the handicapped. There are an estimated 2,000 political prisoners in Burma, say rights’ groups. The government disputes that figure as too high.

The release of political prisoners has been a point of priority for Western governments who have linked economic sanctions to the release of political prisoners and democratic reforms in Burma. The second amnesty is seen as one of several recent steps by the government to move cautiously toward more democracy in the country, which as was ruled by a military junta for decades.

After the prisoner release, Agence France-Presse quoted a top US official, Kurt Campbell, saying that recent governmental developments included a “very consequential dialogue” between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and the Burmese leadership.

Campbell, one of several US officials to meet with Burmese Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin in Washington recently, said, “It is also undeniably the case that there are dramatic developments under way.”

The U.S. government has continued both diplomatic engagement and continued economic sanctions against Burma.

“We have made clear our desire to see continued progress on issues such as prisoner releases,” Campbell, the US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, said in Bangkok in early October. He hinted that concrete moves towards democracy by Burma could lead to an easing of sanctions.

“We will match their steps with comparable steps,” he said, according to AFP.


Src  : Mizzima

Christian pastor arrested by Burmese government Light Infantry unit

(Interview) – A government military unit assigned to clear an operation route beat five men including Pastor Jan Ma Aung Li of the Catholic Association and arrested them on Sunday, October 16. The five men are from Nam San Yang village in Daw Phung Yang sub-township in Bhamo District in Kachin State, located about 15 miles from Laiza, the home of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) headquarters. They were released on Monday morning. Mizzima reporter Panida talked with Jan Ma Aung Li, 49, about his encounter with the government troops.

A map showing Nam Sang Yang.
Graphic by Kachin News Group

Question: How did they arrest you?

Answer: On Sunday, our bishops were not there. They told me to lead the service. We planned to start praying at 8 a.m. But we heard gunfire so we decided that the services should start at 9 a.m. Before that time, the government troops came and arrested us.

Q: Why did they arrest you?

A: They said that all males in the village were people’s militiamen and KIO staff. Then they asked where the guns were and beat our backs with gun butts and kicked us. They asked where the warehouse of guns was and where the bombs were. I replied that no KIO soldiers came here.

Q: How did the government troops enter? Which infantry arrested you?

A: Troops entered from the Nam San River. Other troops came from the left side. Infantry No. 438 based in Momauk and Light Infantry No. 121 entered. The troops that arrested us were Light Infantry No. 438.

Q: What was the numerical strength of the joint force?

A: The second in command of the troops that arrested us is Aung Naing Oo. He said that his troops numbered 150 soldiers and the other group had 150 soldiers too. So, the total was 300.

Q: What did the government troops say when they arrested you?

A: Around 9:30 a.m., while we are waiting, the government troops fired at us. We saw their guns aimed at us, so we lay down on the ground, and said we were just civilians. If we did not lie down on the ground immediately, bullets might have hit us. An elderly woman and children cried. Then, they told five men including me to sit down and they conducted an interrogation. Then they tied our hands with wire and took us away.

At that time, I was extremely nervous. If KIA troops came at that time, they would shoot and we could die. It’s lucky that KIA troops did not come. They ransacked the whole church.

They asked us whether we had bombs or not, where we put the guns and time bombs. They kicked us and beat us with gun butts. Then we were tied with wire and led away. After we had passed about four houses, they ordered us to carry rucksacks. We said that we could not carry them because our hands were tied. They told us not to run away and they untied us. Then we carried the rucksacks, walking with frequent pauses. We had to walk for three furlongs in about three hours. Then we rested at Lawkathama Monastery in Nam San Yang.

Q: How did they release you?

A: When we arrived at Lawkathama Monastery, the KIO had followed us and gunfire broke out. The government troops had an interpreter. He was a Yawan ethnic. He has a strong Kachin accent. He had a walkie-talkie so he could listen to what the KIA was saying. When we arrived at a Baptist church, they asked us if we wanted to return to the village or we wanted to accompany them. They said if we accompanied them, they would release us when we arrived at a safe area. If they released us at the church, the other military units were more violent, they said, and they could not guarantee what might happen. The government superior military officers had ordered that all men from Nam San Yang were members of the KIA people’s militia and they should be killed as informers and the women should be arrested, Lieutenant Colonel Aung Naing Oo said.

I said that the Catholic people would be waiting for me the next morning and I wanted to go back. Within a few hours, we tried to roundup the Catholic people; otherwise other government military units would have killed them. They said we should go there within an hour and then we were released.

Q: When did you arrive in Laiza?

A: As we returned to our village, we did not use the main road. We followed a jungle path. When we were about to arrive at my home located at the edge of the village, we saw our houses were on fire. So we fled to Laiza. At that time, more than 10 houses were on fire. I arrived in Laiza around noon.

Q: How were the houses burned?

A: While we were at the Baptist church, a member of the government Light Infantry No. 121 set fire to the house of pastor Aung San. The house was painted with oil-dregs, so it was [easily] burned. I don’t know how the other houses were set fire.

Q: Where are the remaining four men who were beaten and arrested?

A: They are Mali Naw Taung, Mali Tu Khay, Ah Wu and Shan man Laung Lu. Now, we are all in Laiza.

Q: Do you know whether civilians have been forced to work as porters?

A: A man of mix-raced (Shan-Burmese) who is a member of the KIA people’s militia had been arrested after the seizure of some weapons. And a Lisu man working in a banana plantation, a Burma-born Indian man and a Burmese man were forced to serve as porters. Altogether, four people. They started to work as porters two weeks ago. They have to accompany the government troops and carry bags of bullets.

Q: Before you were released, what did the government troops say?

A: They told us to take a message and give it to the KIO. They just came as an advance military unit to clear the route. If the KIO doesn’t shoot, they will not shoot. If the KIO shoots, they will also shoot. Six battalions will march from the Bhamo Road and three will march from the Myitkyina Road. So, the total of nine battalions will come. Their vehicles will carry weapons to attack Laiza, according to Lieutenant Colonel Aung Naing Oo. But, he did not disclose when the troops would attack.

Q: What else would you like to say?

A: Earlier, I was forced to work as a porter. At that time, I had to carry heavy weapons. The troops [that arrested Jan Ma Aung Li] did not have heavy weapons. I don’t know whether the troops came just to clear the route as they said or not; I don’t know whether they will be supplied with heavy weapons later or not. I don’t know whether the government troops will attack Laiza or not.


Src  :  Mizzima

Human Rights Watch condemns Burmese Army abuses in Kachin State

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) –  In the latest round of fighting, Burma’s armed forces continue to commit serious abuses against ethnic Kachin civilians, according to a statement released on Tuesday by Human Rights Watch (HRW).

A temporary camp for Kachin refugees who have fled
from the renewed fighting by the government and Kachin
Independence Army in Kachin State. Photo: Human Rights Watch

The New York-based group said that since the 17-year cease-fire was ended by a Burmese army offensive against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) on June 9 this year, the Burmese government has committed a wide range of human rights abuses against Kachin civilians.

“Burmese armed forces have been responsible for killings and attacks on civilians, using forced labour and pillaging villages, which has resulted in the displacement of an estimated 30,000 Kachin civilians, ” the HRW statement said.

Fear from abuses by the Burmese army has led tens of thousands of villagers to abandon their homes, many ending up in remote aid camps, HRW reported. Many civilians have spent weeks in hiding in the jungle during the rainy season to escape the Tatmadaw, or Burmese armed forces.

HRW conducted a fact-finding mission to conflict areas in Kachin State in July and August. “Witnesses described serious abuses committed by Burmese soldiers, including killings and attacks on civilians, pillaging of villages and the unlawful use of forced labour,” said HRW.

The statement contained testimony from villagers who have suffered abuses. In one case, a 33-year-old woman said that before the current fighting she had been forced to carry provisions up a two-mile road to a Burmese army outpost while she was six-months pregnant. “I had to do forced labour for the Burmese soldiers many times…the food we brought ourselves to eat. They didn’t feed us,” she told HRW.

The group also documented cases of killings of civilians, and said that villagers confirmed to HRW that rape cases had occurred in the conflict areas. Some civilians have been killed in searches by the Burmese army for suspected associates of the KIA, HRW reported.

According to HRW, “Under the laws of war applicable in conflict areas in Burma, all sides are prohibited from mistreating persons in their custody, targeting civilians, or pillaging homes and other civilian property.”

The group said that continued abuses by the Burmese army have again highlighted the need to establish a United Nations-backed Commission of Inquiry (CoI) into crimes against humanity in Burma.

Culture of denial

HRW senior Burma researcher, David Mathieson told Mizzima that a CoI on Burma could “potentially be an important mechanism for combating impunity and establishing accountability. In the absence of any other such domestic or international initiative, the normative and constitutional immunity of the Burmese military to end impunity, the captured legal system that refuses to investigate serious conflict related abuses, and the culture of denial of serious breaches of international humanitarian law and human rights law in Burma, there aren’t many better proposals out there.”

An estimated 30, 000 refugees have been displaced due
to the latest round of fighting. Photo: Human Rights Watch

The UN special rapporteur for human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, first called for a commission of inquiry in March 2010. To date 16 countries have pledged their support for an inquiry, including the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Australia, the Czech Republic and others.

Mathieson said that the formation of a CoI should not be seen as an isolated event, but as a continuous process of “ending a sense of entitlement to violate human rights within the Tatmadaw.”

“The new government has shown no inclination to start that: what is needed is not a change of command, but a change in the culture, and that is the only way to address systematic abuses,” he said.

He said that International Labour Organization’s (ILO) established complaints mechanism in Burma could be an important model for any eventual CoI into human rights abuses. The ILO complaint mechanism is “the product of more than a decade of ILO engagement with Burma on forced labor, and that started with a CoI in 1998,” Mathieson said.

“The ILO was instrumental in decreasing widespread forced labor in urban and rural areas in Burma and that came through a combination of on-the ground investigations and calibrated international pressure. A similar formula could be employed on many other abuses that continue,” he said.

The culture of denial in the military in Burma stops progress in fostering accountability and improving justice for victims in the country, observers say. On the use of rape in ethnic areas by the Burmese Army, Mathieson told Mizzima, “Sexual violence continues because the government denies its forces are perpetrating it.”

“Impartial investigations and adequate punishments, and a clear command instruction that this abuse will not be tolerated are the first steps to ending it, and the Burmese army hasn’t even done these,” he said.

Until accountability can be fostered in the military, the civilians living in the ethnic areas of Burma, especially where there is ongoing conflict, are at severe risk, say observers.

“Pronouncements of political reform in Burma do not seem to have reached the army in Kachin State. Ongoing abuses starkly demonstrate that until real steps are taken towards accountability, including an international commission of inquiry, minorities such as the Kachin will be a grave risk,” Elaine Pearson, deputy Asia director at HRW, said on Tuesday.

Burma’s human rights record of abuses by the military has stopped it gaining ground on the international circuit, and is a key reason for states upholding sanctions against the country.

Derek Mitchell, the US special representative and policy coordinator for Burma, said Monday on Burma’s relationship with the United States: “We made it very clear that we could not have a transformed relationship as long as these credible reports of abuses occur, and there is no dialogue with these groups and with the opposition,” AFP reported on Monday.


Src :  Mizzima

‘I hope I will never see monks in prison again’

(Interview) – During the “Saffron Revolution” in 2007, the army and police raided Ngwe Kyar Yan Monastery in South Okkalapa Township in Rangoon and arrested many monks. U Ithiriaya (Ngwe Kyar Yan), one of the monks, was charged as one of the leaders of the Saffron Movement. He was disrobed and sentenced to six and one-half years in prison. He was released from Kengtung Prison on Wednesday under the presidential amnesty after serving four years. Mizzima reporter Kyaw Kha talks to him about the monk- led movement, politics and his future.

More than 100,000 people protested
against the military government in
Rangoon during the 2007

Question: What is your monk name and how were you arrested and imprisoned?

Answer: My monkhood name is U Ithiriya and my layman name is Aung Ko Nyein. I was arrested in 2007 for joining a peaceful march during the “Saffron Revolution.” Our monastery was raided on September 26, and I was arrested along with many other monks. Then they selected six leading monks in the movement, and we were each given six and half years prison terms.

Q: Can you tell us how you were arrested and your experiences in interrogation?

A: The army raided our monastery around midnight on September 26 and the scene that night was terrible and miserable. They brutally beat us and took us away. Some of us had no robes when we were forcibly taken away. Some young monks were treated like animals. They were taken away without footwear and robes. They were naked. They were given robes only when they were interrogated in the prison.

We were disrobed as soon as we were interrogated in the prison. We had no footwear for about three months. They did not recognize us as monks. They ordered us to mimic riding motorcycles and frog leaping during the interrogations. Almost all of us were kicked and severely beaten. We were black and blue from the torture. I cannot revisit these terrible things. All the monks arrested from Ngwe Kyar Yan Monastery were severely beaten. The monks who were captured in their photo records were also arrested and beaten later.

Q: Now it has been four years since the “Saffron Revolution.” Has the monks’ boycott of accepting alms from the military expired?

A: It will never expire, because the regime brutally cracked down on this peaceful demonstration that expressed the will and desire of the people. The monks and the people will never forget the brutal scene and the killing of the peaceful demonstrators on the roads. I firmly believe the “Saffron Revolution” generation will never disappear.

Q: Who else was released with you on Wednesday? Who remains in prison?

A: Among the total of 144 prisoners released from Kengtung Prison, the prisoners of conscience are I, Win Swe (Insein NLD), U Thuta Nyarna a.k.a. Than Zaw and Soe Min Oo from the Shwepyitha NLD Youth. Four monks from the ‘Saffron Revolution” are left in Kengtung prison.

Q: The international community and Burmese opposition forces frequently urge the government to release prisoners of conscience including monks. But the Burmese government always says that there are no prisoners of conscience in the prisons. What is your comment on this government policy?

A: I don’t know much to say about politics, but I like the words belief and conscience. All people including monks are struggling for their freedom. Freedom is for all including a bus driver and a rickshaw puller. Everybody wants freedom. We were arrested and imprisoned for working for the people to be freed from their daily hardships and sufferings. We did this work with belief and good conscience. The government does not want to use the word “political prisoners” but they must accept the word “prisoners of conscience.”

Q: Did you face difficulties in healthcare, reading and daily food in prison?

A: All of these things were quite good before the general election, but we faced difficulties after the election. Senior jailor Zaw Oo did not want to give us these rights anymore after that. He gave us only more restrictions and obstructions.

A jail staff member once brought monhinga (a traditional Burmese food of rice vermicelli with fish soup) into the prison for himself but Zaw Oo didn’t allow the food inside. He forced the jail staff to eat it at the prison gate instead; otherwise it could be given to the political prisoners. He acted like that. Before the election, our life in the prison was quite good and convenient, and I have no idea why they changed.

I wrote about 60 poems in the prison but they kept all of them. I asked them to give back the poems when I was released, but they passed the buck to each other and said that the poems were not in their hands, and maybe kept by either the jail superintendent or a jailor. I will wait until I can meet the senior jailor and hope to get all the poems back.

Q: Were you allowed to read daily papers, journals and books in the prison? What do you think of the new government led by President Thein Sein?

A: In my opinion, they are good. In the past, we could do nothing, but now he has halted the Myitsone Dam project. This sort of thing was unimaginable in the past. Listening to the people’s voice and fulfilling their desire is a good sign. I think it will be slightly better in both politics and economics in the future.

In the past, we rarely saw Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, usually only on the occasions of Martyrs’ Day and Independence Day. Now we can see her picture frequently in the weekly journals. So I think this is a good sign.

Q: What is your opinion on the meeting between Suu Kyi and Thein Sein?

A: I liked it very much, their adjusting differences and working on a common ground with the opposition. As a monk, I don’t like to say much about other issues. I like it if the authorities work together with Daw Suu in negotiations and consultations.

Q: After being released from prison, how will you live? As a layman or as a monk? Will you continue to work in the political and social areas?

A: They forcibly disrobed us in the prison, but we are still in the monkhood. Even at the time of Lord Buddha, a monk named Bahiya Darusi was robbed by dacoits of everything he had including his robe, and he had to wear wood plank instead. The clothes I am wearing now can cover my entire body. I had to wear these clothes in difficult times. But I am still a monk anyway. I will be a monk until death. I am determined to be a monk forever.

Q: What would you like to say about prison life, especially for the monks?

A: The prison is not a place for monks. Prison imprison everything. According to the Buddhist canon law, we were still in the monkhood but the jailors and prison staff did not treat us as venerable monks with due respect. We had to sit in prescribed forms when the jail superintendent came to our wards. The discipline is everywhere; the prison will have prison rules and discipline and also the monastery has its own rules and disciplines. So treating us as laymen is a big sin for them. I hope I will never see monks in prison again in my life.

Q: How do you see the release of prisoners by this new government?

A: In our Buddhist scriptures, a deer called Pada laughed and cried in the presence of Lord Buddha. We have to laugh and cry at the same time too now, because some of us are left in the prison. We feel very sorry for them, and we have to cry for them. At the same time, I can meet my family and relatives soon so I feel happy and laugh.

Q: Tell us about the difficulties of the monks in the prison where life is not in harmony with the Buddhist canon laws.

A: The prison life is quite different from normal life. In normal life, monks can have a good meal easily but in the prison they have to finish their meal with tarlabaw soup on most days. I was born in Monywa in upper Burma but brought up in Rangoon and then imprisoned in Kengtung in Shan State. So you can imagine how difficult life was. Many families and relatives could not visit us during imprisonment. These are some of the difficulties of monks in prison.

Src  : Mizzima

300 Burmese political prisoners will be released starting Wednesday: source

(Mizzima) – More than 300 political prisoners are reportedly included in the 6,359 prisoners that are scheduled to be released from prisons throughout Burma starting Wednesday, according to a source close to the Burmese prison department.

In this file photo, a crowd gathers around Insein
Prison on May 17, 2011, the first day of the release
of 1,600 prisoners as part of a sentence commutation
by the newly formed Burmese government.
               Photo: Mizzima

 
High-profile political prisoners including Zarganar, who is currently serving a 35-year sentence at Myitkyina Prison; the labour activist Su Su Nwe, who is serving eight years at Kanti Prison in Sagaing Region; and General Say Htin, 75, a patron of the Shan State Army-North who is currently serving a 106-year sentence in Sittwe Prison in Arakan State are among the list of political prisoners to be released, the source said.

Mizzima was unable to verify the information, which said that prisoners would be released in three batches, according to the source, under an amnesty by President Thein Sein. The exiled Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma) estimates that there are about 2,000 political prisoners in Burmese jails.

State-run television MRTV announced on Tuesday that the prisoners include the elderly, prisoners in ill health, and prisoners who are handicapped.

The amnesty will be granted under section 204 (b) of the Constitution, which states: “The President has the power to grant amnesty in accord with the recommendation of the National Defence and Security Council.”

After President Thein Sein entered office earlier this year, he announced a one-year presidential commutation on May 16. About 20,000 prisoners were released, but only a few were political prisoners.

In September, the opposition National Democratic Force (NDF) party said that an amnesty would be effective only if political prisoners are included. Observers said the issue is related to the government’s demand that Western countries lift the economic sanctions imposed on Burma, and other issues such as its campaign to be named chairman of Asean in 2014.

NDF leader Khin Maung Swe, who is a former political prisoner, said:  “Now, we need to attempt national reconciliation. If political prisoners are not included in the amnesty, it will not be effective. The authorities know it. The amnesty was delayed because they seem to be pondering whether an uprising could be sparked off again.”

According to figures compiled by the Thailand-based Assistance Association for Political Prisoners-Burma, there are 1,998 political prisoners in 42 prisons and 109 labour camps across Burma.

Daw Shu, a caretaker of political prisoners, said rumours went around that prisoners  would be released in two batches. “It’s likely that the prisoners who are serving long prison terms will also be released,” he said.

On September 28, Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin told the UN General Assembly that prisoners would be released soon.

Many high profile political prisoners are held in Rangoon’s Insein Prison. One of the prison’s most famous inmates was Nobel Peace Prize winner and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was confined there on three separate occasions in 2003, 2007 and 2010, before she was released from house arrest in late 2010.

Suu Kyi told Voice of America in September: "‘It's not enough to have a transition to a democratic government, what we need are for democratic institutions to take firm root in this country, and I would like to be able to help in this process."

In the interview, Suu Kyi said that freeing political prisoners in Burma and the fight for a real democracy were inextricable. “I don't think you can separate different elements of the process towards democracy…the release of political prisoners is one of the aims of trying to democratize our country – that there may be no political prisoners."

Asked when she thought would be the appropriate time for Western sanctions to be lifted from the country, Suu Kyi said, “I think when the reasons for which sanctions were instituted in the first place indicate that real change has taken place and that it is time for a new approach.”

The New York Times reported on Monday that United States Assistant Secretary of State Kurt M. Campbell said in a lecture in Bangkok that Washington might soon take steps to improve relations with Burma in light of “dramatic developments under way” in the new government.

Campbell said, “I think it would be fair to say that we will match their steps with comparable steps, and we are looking forward in the course of the next several weeks to continuing a dialogue that has really stepped up in recent months.”

Src : Mizzima

NGO urges halt to Shwe natural gas project

New Delhi (Mizzima) – The Thailand-based Shwe Gas Movement has called for the Burmese government to suspend another huge energy project, the Shwe natural gas project in Arakan State.

 

Work is underway on the Shwe energy pipeline
in Burma that will transport oil and natural gas
to Kunming, China. Photo: Shwe.org

“Exporting the huge natural gas reserves from the Shwe Gas fields off Burma’s western coast will perpetuate the chronic energy shortages domestically,” it said in a statement released on Friday.

“The regime will earn an estimated US$ 29 billion from the sale of the gas, yet these revenues will not be used for social improvement. The revenues will disappear into a fiscal black hole that omits gas revenues from the national budget, clearly to the benefit of the regime and investors,” said the statement.

After widespread protests, President Thein Sein ordered a suspension of the US$3.6 billion Myitsone Dam project on the Irrawaddy River. The Shwe Gas Movement wants a similar order regarding the Shwe energy project, which was started in October 2009. The project includes a special economic zone that will be the largest in Southeast Asia, and includes the construction of a Kyaukphyu-Muse electric railway at a cost of US$ 20 billion.

An underwater gas pipeline would carry offshore gas from block A1 and A3 to Kyaukphyu. About 40 per cent of the project is completed and the deep-sea port at Maday Island is about 80 per cent completed, according to the Shwe Gas Movement.

Gas reserves in the two blocks are estimated at 4.5 to 7.7 trillion cubic feet. Burma will earn an estimated US$ 29 billion from the sale of the natural gas to China over a 30-year period starting in 2013.

The deep-sea port project and the joint pipeline for oil and natural gas will be completed in 2013. The electric railway for transporting goods is expected to be completed in 2015.

The huge project is part of a new sea route for oil tankers to and from the Maday Island deep-sea port. The Daewoo Company has dynamited a three-mile coral reef located near Zinchaung Village in May, the Bangladesh-based Narinjara news agency reported. The Maday Island deep-sea port is located six miles southeast of Kyaukphyu in Arakan State.

Win Aung, an official of the Thai-based Shwe Gas Movement, said, “Possible environmental impacts and people-based surveys need to be conducted. They should have transparency to the effect on people, how much the environment will be affected and how much residents will benefit from the project.”

The offshore blocks in the Shwe Gas field, the biggest natural gas field in Southeast Asia, has an estimated 200 billion cubic meters of natural gas. The gas blocks in the Shwe field in the western sea of Burma was discovered in late 2003. The cost of the gas pipeline linking the Kyaukphyu and Maday Island deep-sea port to Yunnan Province in China is estimated at US$ 3.5 billion.

In addition to the natural gas pipeline, an oil pipeline will be built to transport oil from Africa and the Middle East to China through the Kyaukphyu-Maday port passing along a route running through Minbu, Mandalay, Gokteik, Kyaukme, Hsipaw, Lashio, Kutkai, Muse and Kyuhkok. The oil will then be transported to Kunming, the capital of Yunnan Province.

Since March 2011, the Burmese Army has launched military offensives against ethnic armed groups in resource-rich areas in northern Kachin and Shan states. The conflicts have displaced an estimated 50,000 people, the Shwe Gas Movement’s statement said.

Foreign companies involved in the projects include the China National Petroleum Corporation, Daewoo International (South Korea), ONGC Videsh Company Limited (India), and Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL).

A report, “Sold Out”, released on September 6 by the Shwe Gas Movement, said that regarding construction of the deep seaport and oil storage facilities on Maday Island, the China National Petroleum Corporation has sub-contracted construction to a Burmese company, Hydro China, to supply material (sand, stones, etc.), and Asia World, which is building a reservoir system. Regarding an onshore gas terminal complex on Ramree Island, Daewoo International issued sub-contracts to Burmese companies including Myanmar Golden Crown.

Rakhine Nationalities and Development [RNDP] Party chairman Aung Mya Kyaw said, “This is connected to the interests of all citizens. We strongly object on the grounds that our people will not enjoy any benefits from the project.”

The report said that residents living around the projects in Arakan State have been used as forced labour by the Burmese army and police. In some cases, land has been confiscated by authorities that offered insufficient compensation, the report said.


Src  :  Mizzima

Fighting erupts between gov’t, KNLA near Three Pagoda Pass

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – A villager who served as a porter for the Burmese army and a Burmese government soldier were injured during fighting between Burmese government troops and the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) near Three Pagoda Pass on Thursday.  

Troops of the Karen National Liberation Army
 stand for inspection. Photo: Mizzima

                                                                           
The 15-minute fight involved about 50 government soldiers from Light Infantry No. 543 and 20 Karen soldiers under Brigade No. 6 between Kyaukgu and Myaingthaya villages about 20 kilometres west of Three Pagoda Pass in Karen State on the border with Thailand.

A government soldier and Myint Thein, 47, of Tadain village were injured.

A woman in the village told Mizzima that she went from the monastery to her home at around seven o’ clock. "At around half past eight, the army entered the village and took three villagers as guides," she said. "Later, the fighting started.”

Myint Thein was sent to a Christian hospital in Sangklaburi in Kanchanaburi Province in Thailand, according to a villager.

An officer in KNLA Brigade No. 6 said that it launched an ambush against the government troops. No casualty figures were known, he said.

 The location where the fighting broke out was on the 65-mile-5-furlong Thanbyuzayat-Three Pagoda Pass Road.

Villagers said that on June 6, government Infantry No. 373 took 10 villagers from Myaingthaya Village and 24 from Apalone village and ordered them, including women, to march in front of the soldiers. Other villagers were forced to carry supplies, according to residents.

Src  : Mizzima

Haqqanis deny killing Afghan peace envoy

The operational leader of Taliban faction the Haqqani network denied killing the Afghan government's peace envoy Burhanuddin Rabbani.

Burhanuddin Rabbani, former president of Afghanistan Photo: AP

Sirajuddin Haqqani also denied US allegations that the Haqqanis, blamed for a string of high-profile attacks on Western targets in the Afghan capital, were currently linked to Pakistan's intelligence agency, the ISI.

"We haven't killed Burhanuddin Rabbani and this has been said many times by the spokespersons of the Islamic Emirate," he told the BBC, referring to the Taliban.

Afghan officials blamed the Taliban for the September 20 turban bombing that killed Rabbani in Kabul, saying the killer was Pakistani and that it was plotted by the Afghan Taliban's leadership body, the Quetta Shura, in Pakistan.

However, no Afghan officials have specifically accused the Haqqani network over the killing. The network is considered loyal to Taliban supreme leader Mullah Omar and has a seat on the Taliban leadership council.

President Hamid Karzai is reviewing his strategy for talking peace with the Taliban in the wake of the killing of Rabbani, who was chairman of the High Peace Council, his spokesman has said.



Src  : telegraph

Facebook Timeline သစ္ကုိ ဘယ္လုိ စတင္လုပ္ေဆာင္မလဲ

ထူးျခားသည့္ ေဖ့စ္ဘုတ္ခ္ features သစ္ အားလုံးကုိ သင္ၾကားသိေနမွာျဖစ္ၿပီး ၎တုိ႔ကုိ စတင္ရန္ သင္ စိတ္အားထက္သန္ေနမည္မွာ ေသခ်ာသေလာက္ျဖစ္သည္။

အဆင့္ (၈) ခုကုိ စတင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ ဆႏၵရွိပါက brand-new Facebook Timeline ကုိ ယခုခ်ိန္တြင္ ရရွိမည္ျဖစ္သည္။

ေအာက္ေဖာ္ျပပါ ညႊန္ျပထားသည့္ ပုံအတုိင္း လုပ္ရန္ျဖစ္ၿပီး ေဖ့စ္ဘုတ္ခ္ကမၻာသစ္ဆီ ေရာက္ရွိသြားလိမ့္မည္ျဖစ္ကာ developers မ်ားကဲ့သုိ႔ ျဖစ္ေကာင္းျဖစ္လိမ့္မည္။ ညႊန္ၾကားထားသည့္အတုိင္း ဂရုစုိက္စြာ လုပ္ေဆာင္ၿပီး အဆင္ေျပပါေစ။

ပထမဆုံး ေဖ့စ္ဘုတ္ခ္ developer စာမ်က္ႏွာဆီ သြားပါ။ ၎သည္ သင့္ေဖ့စ္ဘုတ္ခ္အေကာင့္၏ အစိတ္အပုိင္းတခုျဖစ္သည္။ ဤ Link မွ စတင္လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ ျဖစ္သည္။

Step 1

1. When you get here, click "allow."

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Step 2

2. Click "create new app"

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Step 3

3. Name it whatever you want, and give it whatever namespace you'd like -- it doesn't matter. Click the checkbox "I agree to the platform privacy policy." And then click Continue, pass the security check by filling in the Captcha, and you'll be ready for the next step.

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Step 4

4. After you've verified yourself as a human, you'll reach this screen, where you'll need to click "Open Graph" on the left side.

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Step 5

5. You'll see the next screen, entitled "Get Started with Open Graph" -- fill in anything you want (it doesn't matter) in those fields under the heading "start by defining one action than one object for your app." Click Get Started.

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Step 6

6. On this screen, do nothing except scroll to the bottom and click "Save Changes and Next." Do the same thing on the next screen.

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Step 7

7. You'll be taken to this screen. Wait a few minutes, and then go to your Facebook homepage. That's where you'll be invited to enable Timeline. Be patient at this point -- sometimes it requires you to wait before the changes take effect.

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Step 8

8. When you go back to your Facebook homepage, you'll see this. Success! Click Get It Now, and you're in!

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You've Done It!

Here's where you fiddle with your timeline, set it up the way you like it, and when you click Publish Now, your Timeline goes live. Or, you can wait until Thursday, September 29, 2011, and it'll go live on its own. If you want to get into your timeline from another computer, the address for this developer's version is located at this URL: http://www.facebook.com/[yourusername]?sk=timeline and of course [yourusername] is your own Facebook user name.

                                                                                                                                                    

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 Src  : Zogampost

Al-Qaeda in Yemen remains serious threat: experts

SANAA — Al-Qaeda in Yemen remains a serious threat to the United States despite the death of Anwar al-Awlaqi, a prominent jihadist leader accused of planning attacks on American targets, experts say.

The killing in Yemen on Friday of the outspoken US-born cleric in an air raid was hailed by President Barack Obama as a "major blow" to terrorists, but analysts say Al-Qaeda's influence in Yemen will not be greatly affected.

"Al-Qaeda was around before Awlaqi and his rise added little to the organisation except perhaps that he spoke fluent English and was able to communicate with Western audiences," Nabil al-Bakiri, a Yemen-based expert on Islamic militant groups, told AFP.

"Awlaqi's death will have no effect on the future of Al-Qaeda," Bakiri said, adding that the slain militant did not even hold an organisational position within the group.

Bruce Riedel, a senior fellow at the US think tank Brookings and a former CIA agent, said in a commentary that the killing was a "significant setback for Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) but far from a fatal blow," pointing out that Awlaqi was neither a top ranking commander nor a bomb-maker.

"In short, AQAP's key players are still at large and very dangerous," said Riedel, adding that Yemen's slide into civil war will only benefit Al-Qaeda.

"Yemen is falling apart. The country is fragmenting into hostile blocks. The more broken Yemen becomes the more AQAP benefits because the break down in law and order allows it to operate and recruit more easily."

AQAP has taken advantage of nearly nine months of deadly protests against veteran President Ali Abdullah Saleh to bolster its presence in several southern provinces as well as Marib province, where Awlaqi was killed.

However, US Defense Secretary Leon Panetta denied that cooperation from Yemeni authorities was wavering.

"There are a lot of people in the leadership there concerned about Awlaqi, concerned about terrorism," Panetta told reporters on board his plane en route to Israel.

"We have developed over the years a relationship where we worked together, we shared intelligence, and we focused on some common targets there as well.

"And I think that will continue to be the case regardless of what ultimately happens with President Saleh," said Panetta, who served as CIA director until taking over as Pentagon chief in July.
Meanwhile, in the United States, officials issued a worldwide travel alert warning its nationals of the "potential for retaliation" after Awlaqi's death.

"Awlaqi's standing as a preeminent English-language advocate of violence could potentially trigger anti-American acts worldwide to avenge his death," the State Department said.

US intelligence officials believe he was linked to a US army major charged with shooting dead 13 people in Fort Hood, Texas, and to a Nigerian student accused of trying to blow up an America-bound airliner on December 25, 2009.

Former California congresswoman Jane Harman, now head of the Woodrow Wilson International Centre for Scholars, said on CNN's "State of the Union" programme on Sunday she believed Awlaqi's death to be both psychological and operational blows to AQAP.

"AQAP had emerged as the more potent Al-Qaeda faction in terms of mounting attacks against us," she said, adding that even though Awlaqi was not the titular head of AQAP, his involvement with the Fort Hood and US airliner incidents had made him particularly dangerous.

His death, Harman added, along with those of two other militants reportedly killed with him, "has enormous reach in terms of reducing -- degrading the capability of Al-Qaeda to attack us."

Former CIA director Michael Hayden agreed that the killing of Awlaqi was significant.

"He was the part of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula that motivated them and enabled them to go after the far enemy, that's us. And so in that sense his death makes America much more safe," Hayden said on the same programme.

He acknowledged, however, that the cleric's death would not have great impact "on the fate or health of AQAP. In fact with his being gone, they may be even more focused against the 'near enemy,' and that's Yemen and Saudi Arabia."

Although US officials publicly deny any involvement in his death, tribal sources in Yemen said an American drone aircraft fired the missiles that killed Awlaqi.


Src  : Sanaa ( AFP)

Activist group calls for cancellation of seven dams on Irrawaddy River

Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – Burma Rivers Network (BRN) released a press statement on Friday saying that China Power Investment must cancel not only the Myitsone Dam project, but all seven dam projects on the Irrawaddy River.

The statement said that it was encouraged by Burmese President Thein Sein's decision on Friday to halt the construction of the Myitsone Dam, but it wanted to see China Power Investment (CPI) remove all its personnel and equipment from the dam construction site.

An artist's conception of the controversial Myitsone Dam project on the Irrawaddy River, which is the subject of increasing protests by environmental groups.

“Only their actions will confirm whether the dam is indeed suspended,” the statement said. It also urged that villagers who had been forced to move to a relocation camp because of the construction of the dam should be allowed to return to their homes.

Ah Nan, the assistant BRN coordinator, said in the statement, “Until the Chinese project holders publicly declare their cancellation of the Myitsone Dam and pull out from the dam site, we must assume the project is going ahead.”

China Power Investment Corporation (CPI) is a Chinese state-owned electrical company that partnered with Burma’s state power utility Myanma Electric Power Enterprise (MEPE) and the Burmese conglomerate Asia World.

"BRN also urges continued pressure on the military government and the CPI to immediately cancel the other six mega-dams planned on the Irrawaddy source rivers, which will have the same devastating impacts on the country," said the statement.

BRN said that even if construction of the dam is halted and the project cancelled, the group's campaign to stop all seven hydropower dams at the source of Burma's largest river will continue.

"Building these six dams will also cause irreparable environmental destruction, unpredictable water surges and shortages, and inflict social and economic damage to the millions who depend on the Irrawaddy. Thousands of Kachin villagers will also be forced to relocate," the statement said.

BRN sent a letter to the President Hu Jintao of China, urging him to reconsider China's dam policy in Burma and to conduct proper environmental and social impact studies in the areas surrounding the dam sites, Mizzima reported in December 2007.

"If the Myitsone project is indeed cancelled, this would be a great victory for the people of Burma, especially the brave villagers at the Myitsone site who stood up to the Burmese Army and refused to make way for the project," said the BRN statement.


Src  : Mizzima